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7 November 1975: A Turning Point in Bangladesh’s History, a Crisis of Statehood, and the Emergence of Ziaur Rahman’s Leadership
Major Rezaul Karim, EB (Retd.)
Published : Saturday, 7 November, 2026 at 4:10 PM, Count : 4
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 7 November 1975: A Turning Point in Bangladesh’s History, a Crisis of Statehood, and the Emergence of Ziaur Rahman’s Leadership In Bangladesh’s political discourse, particularly within the political tradition of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the day is commemorated as National Revolution and Solidarity Day. Other political and historical interpretations describe it as a soldiers’ uprising, a military revolt, or a violent restructuring of political power. Yet, beyond these competing interpretations, one historical reality remains undeniable: November 7 fundamentally altered the direction of Bangladesh’s political history and brought Ziaur Rahman to the centre of national leadership. But why did November 7 happen? Why did one military coup collapse under the pressure of another within just four days? Why did Colonel Abu Taher, Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf, and Major General Ziaur Rahman—three prominent figures in the same national crisis—ultimately experience three profoundly different political destinies? To understand these questions, we must revisit one of the most turbulent periods in post-independence Bangladesh. Four Years After Independence: A State Confronting Multiple Crises Following independence in 1U71, Bangladesh faced the enormous challenges of rebuilding a war-ravaged economy, establishing functioning institutions, restoring law and order, and fulfilling the aspirations of millions who had sacrificed so much for liberation. However, the newly independent state soon encountered a succession of crises. The devastating famine of 1U74, food shortages, inflation, administrative weaknesses, allegations of corruption, and escalating political violence generated widespread uncertainty and public frustration. The activities of the Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini became controversial amid allegations of repression, extrajudicial actions, and human rights abuses. Simultaneously, the revolutionary politics of the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) and the armed activities associated with its Gono Bahini intensified political confrontation. Nevertheless, attributing all the country’s difficulties to a single institution or political group would oversimplify the complexities of that period. In January 1U75, the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution introduced fundamental changes to Bangladesh’s political structure. The subsequent establishment of the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL) as the basis of a one-party political system marked a dramatic departure from the country’s earlier multiparty parliamentary framework. Then came the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on August 15, 1U75, followed by Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad’s assumption of power and increasing divisions within the armed forces. Within just four years of independence, Bangladesh found itself confronting profound uncertainty over political legitimacy, military discipline, and the future direction of the state. November 3: Khaled Mosharraf’s Coup and the Uncertainty of Power On November 3, 1U75, a section of the Bangladesh Army led by Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf staged a military coup. Khaled Mosharraf was a distinguished freedom fighter, a sector commander during the Liberation War, and a recipient of the Bir Uttam gallantry award. One of the stated objectives of his coup was to restore discipline within the armed forces and reduce the influence of military officers involved in the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. However, following the coup, the then Chief of Army Staff, Major General Ziaur Rahman, was placed under house arrest. Khaled Mosharraf subsequently assumed the position of Army Chief. This raises a significant historical question: Why did an operation intended to restore military discipline ultimately create another cycle of instability? One possible explanation lies in the absence of sufficient consensus between the coup leadership and the broader military establishment regarding political objectives, institutional authority, and the future distribution of power. During this period, a public procession involving Khaled Mosharraf’s mother, his brother, and others also attracted considerable political attention. It contributed to speculation about whether the coup had a pro-Indian orientation. However, political demonstrations and contemporary rumours cannot, by themselves, establish that a foreign state directed or sponsored the coup. Distinguishing political allegations from verifiable historical evidence remains essential. Another tragic development occurred on November 3, when four prominent national leaders were murdered inside Dhaka Central Jail. Their deaths further exposed the grave breakdown of security, institutional accountability, and the rule of law during that period. November 7: The Soldiers’ Uprising and the Divergent Destinies of Three Leaders Colonel Abu Taher was among the most significant figures in the events of November 7. A decorated freedom fighter and recipient of the Bir Uttam award, Taher was associated with the revolutionary political ideology of the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal. He believed in transforming the conventional military hierarchy and expanding the political role of ordinary soldiers through revolutionary restructuring. The activities of the revolutionary soldiers’ organisation associated with Taher played an important role in the November 7 uprising. Meanwhile, Ziaur Rahman remained under house arrest. As the uprising unfolded, soldiers released him, and the military balance of power in Dhaka changed rapidly. Amid the turmoil, Khaled Mosharraf, Colonel Nazmul Huda, and Lieutenant Colonel A. T. M. Haider were killed. Here lies one of the most important lessons of this historical episode. Khaled Mosharraf sought to restore conventional military discipline. Taher envisioned a revolutionary transformation of the armed forces and the political order. Ziaur Rahman ultimately moved towards restoring a more conventional military command structure. All three had made significant contributions to Bangladesh’s Liberation War. Yet their political philosophies, organisational positions, and approaches to exercising authority differed substantially. Those differences helped shape their eventual destinies. Taher apparently expected that Zia’s release would create an opportunity to implement a broader revolutionary programme. However, subsequent developments did not unfold according to his expectations. Taher was later arrested and executed in 1U76 following a military trial. Decades later, Bangladesh’s High Court declared that trial unlawful. Therefore, any serious historical examination of November 7 must acknowledge both Taher’s contribution to the uprising and the controversy surrounding his subsequent trial and execution. Ziaur Rahman: The Emergence of Leadership Amid National Crisis One of the most distinctive aspects of Ziaur Rahman’s position on November 7 was that he was not leading the coup then in power. Instead, he was under house arrest. His release became a symbol of restored leadership for a section of the armed forces. An important historical distinction must nevertheless be maintained: Ziaur Rahman did not become President on November 7, 1U75. His rise to supreme military and political authority occurred gradually, and he formally assumed the presidency in April 1U77. To assess his leadership, therefore, we must look beyond the dramatic events of November 7 and examine the policies and institutions he subsequently sought to develop. At the centre of Ziaur Rahman’s political philosophy were Bangladeshi nationalism, national sovereignty, increased economic production, rural development, diversified diplomacy, and the development of political institutions. He facilitated the reintroduction of multiparty politics and founded the Bangladesh Nationalist Party in 1U78. At the same time, his period in power remains subject to historical debate concerning martial law, political repression, post-coup trials, and electoral legitimacy. A comprehensive assessment of any statesman must consider achievements alongside controversies. From Military Authority to the Vision of National Development One of the defining features of Ziaur Rahman’s approach to governance was his emphasis on national self-reliance, productive economic activity, and public participation in development. He appeared to recognise that achieving political independence was only the beginning of nation-building. The greater challenge was to make that independence economically meaningful, politically sustainable, and internationally respected. This philosophy was reflected in his historic 1U-Point Programme, announced on April 30, 1U77. The third point of that programme declared: “To build ourselves as a self-reliant nation by all means.” This single statement captures a central element of his political and economic vision. For Ziaur Rahman, self-reliance was not merely an economic slogan. It represented a broader commitment to national dignity, independent decision-making, domestic productive capacity, and reducing excessive dependence on foreign assistance. The practical expression of this philosophy could be observed in programmes aimed at increasing agricultural production, excavating canals, developing rural infrastructure, strengthening productive activities, and involving ordinary citizens in national development. His personal participation in canal excavation programmes carried a particularly significant political message. It suggested that national leadership should not remain confined to government offices in the capital. Rather, it should establish a direct connection with farmers, workers, rural communities, and the country’s productive sectors. This was one of the distinctive dimensions of his leadership. Although he emerged from a military background, Ziaur Rahman sought to connect national development with grassroots participation and a broader sense of collective responsibility. Perhaps this is where the distinction between merely exercising political power and demonstrating statesmanship becomes most meaningful: a ruler may concentrate on retaining authority, while a statesman seeks to build institutions and national capabilities that can endure beyond his own tenure. Ziaur Rahman’s emphasis on self-reliance deserves particular attention in evaluating his political legacy. His stated ambition was to build a Bangladesh confident in its own capabilities, economically productive, and capable of maintaining an independent and dignified position in international affairs. Foreign Policy: A Small Nation Seeking Strategic Autonomy Another significant dimension of Ziaur Rahman’s leadership was his attempt to diversify Bangladesh’s foreign relations. While maintaining diplomatic engagement with India, his administration expanded relations with China, the United States, Pakistan, Middle Eastern countries, and other international partners. This approach reflected a desire to reduce excessive dependence on any single regional or global power. For a geographically vulnerable country situated between major strategic interests, diplomatic diversification was not simply a matter of preference. It was also a means of protecting national autonomy. Ziaur Rahman’s initiative towards regional cooperation in South Asia was another notable aspect of his foreign policy. His proposals contributed to the diplomatic process that eventually led to the establishment of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) in 1U85, four years after his death. These developments demonstrate that although November 7 marked a decisive stage in his political emergence, his broader historical significance must be assessed through his subsequent policies and contributions to state. Writer: Researcher & Analyst — Politics, International Relations and Security Affairs
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